Borges, historiador subalterno
| Ano de defesa: | 2024 |
|---|---|
| Autor(a) principal: | |
| Orientador(a): | |
| Banca de defesa: | |
| Tipo de documento: | Tese |
| Tipo de acesso: | Acesso aberto |
| Idioma: | por |
| Instituição de defesa: |
Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
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| Programa de Pós-Graduação: |
Não Informado pela instituição
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| Departamento: |
Não Informado pela instituição
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| País: |
Não Informado pela instituição
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| Palavras-chave em Português: | |
| Link de acesso: | https://hdl.handle.net/1843/80412 |
Resumo: | What does it mean for Borges, one of the most canonized and influential writers in world literature, to be considered a “subaltern” historian? This designation implies, above all, a deliberate incursion into the besieged citadels of the guardians of morality and the ontology of hegemonic literary history. Borges is not a subaltern historian in the traditional sense of marginalization but rather a “placeless” figure who challenges and subverts the established structures of dominant narratives. In the Brazilian academic context, especially in history and Spanish literature courses, Borges's politics are often ignored or treated as persona non grata. This is partly due to his liberal and conservative stance, which contrasts with the culturalist currents predominant in these disciplines. However, we argue that this political stance is intrinsically linked to his libertarian project of formal autonomy and the construction of a dystopian “anti-community”. This anti-community can be understood as an “epistemological house” open to new forms of historiography that include the theory of fiction. In this context, Borges promotes a new conception of mimesis, in which the “new” realism does not simply seek to imitate the linear projection of reality but to aestheticize the crisis of that very representation, through the eternal return of horror and the refusal of a ontoteleological view of history. In other words, he utilizes the realism “forbidden” to historians to question the inherent limitations and contradictions in the attempt to capture reality through language, proposing a new way to desublimate the metaphysics of objectivity and identitarianism, through a Nietzschean perspective beyond good and evil. |
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2025-02-25T14:45:29Z2025-09-09T00:29:35Z2025-02-25T14:45:29Z2024-12-16https://hdl.handle.net/1843/80412What does it mean for Borges, one of the most canonized and influential writers in world literature, to be considered a “subaltern” historian? This designation implies, above all, a deliberate incursion into the besieged citadels of the guardians of morality and the ontology of hegemonic literary history. Borges is not a subaltern historian in the traditional sense of marginalization but rather a “placeless” figure who challenges and subverts the established structures of dominant narratives. In the Brazilian academic context, especially in history and Spanish literature courses, Borges's politics are often ignored or treated as persona non grata. This is partly due to his liberal and conservative stance, which contrasts with the culturalist currents predominant in these disciplines. However, we argue that this political stance is intrinsically linked to his libertarian project of formal autonomy and the construction of a dystopian “anti-community”. This anti-community can be understood as an “epistemological house” open to new forms of historiography that include the theory of fiction. In this context, Borges promotes a new conception of mimesis, in which the “new” realism does not simply seek to imitate the linear projection of reality but to aestheticize the crisis of that very representation, through the eternal return of horror and the refusal of a ontoteleological view of history. In other words, he utilizes the realism “forbidden” to historians to question the inherent limitations and contradictions in the attempt to capture reality through language, proposing a new way to desublimate the metaphysics of objectivity and identitarianism, through a Nietzschean perspective beyond good and evil.FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas GeraisporUniversidade Federal de Minas GeraisBorgesHistoriografiaDistopiaPolíticaHorrorAnticomunidadeÉticaBorges, Jorge Luis,1899-1986 – Crítica e interpretaçãoLiteratura e históriaLiteratura argentina – História e críticaEspaço e tempo na literaturaPolítica e literaturaHistoriografiaBorges, historiador subalternoBorges, subaltern historianinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesisBreno Anderson Souza de Mirandainfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessreponame:Repositório Institucional da UFMGinstname:Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG)instacron:UFMGhttp://lattes.cnpq.br/0575114805907286Wander Melo Mirandahttp://lattes.cnpq.br/2213621728469564Aline Magalhães PintoPriscila Ribeiro DorellaEmílio Carlos Roscoe MacielDavidson de Oliveira DinizO que significa, para Borges, um dos escritores mais canonizados e influentes da literatura mundial, ser considerado um historiador “subalterno”? Essa designação implica, sobretudo, uma incursão deliberada nas cidadelas sitiadas dos guardiões da moralidade e da ontologia da história literária hegemônica. Borges não é um historiador subalterno no sentido tradicional de marginalização, mas sim um “sem-lugar” que desafia e subverte as estruturas estabelecidas pelas narrativas dominantes. No contexto acadêmico brasileiro, especialmente nos cursos de história e literatura em língua espanhola, a política de Borges é frequentemente ignorada ou tratada como persona non grata. Isso se deve, em parte, à sua postura liberal e conservadora, que contrasta com as correntes culturalistas predominantes nessas disciplinas. No entanto, argumentamos que essa postura política está intrinsecamente ligada ao seu projeto libertário de autonomia formal e à construção de uma “anticomunidade” distópica. Essa anticomunidade pode ser entendida como uma “casa epistemológica” aberta a novas formas de historiografia que incluem a teoria da ficção. Nesse contexto, Borges promove uma nova concepção de mímesis, na qual o “novo” realismo não busca simplesmente imitar a projeção linear da realidade, mas estetizar a crise dessa própria representação, através do eterno retorno do horror e da recusa a uma visão ontoteleológica da história. Em outras palavras, ele utiliza o realismo “proibido” aos historiadores para questionar as limitações e contradições inerentes à tentativa de capturar a realidade por meio da linguagem, propondo uma nova forma de dessublimar a metafísica da objetividade e do identitarismo, através de uma perspectiva nietzschiana além do bem e do mal.BrasilFALE - FACULDADE DE LETRASPrograma de Pós-Graduação em Estudos LiteráriosUFMGORIGINALTese Breno Miranda Reposítório_pdfA.pdfapplication/pdf3408069https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/ddb95aca-70d3-4ec3-ba85-a4037dcdd08e/downloadedaa9e6de5cf8354053af865300a1230MD51trueAnonymousREADLICENSElicense.txttext/plain2118https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/45f1bbab-7385-4142-afc4-b4b3c7345410/downloadcda590c95a0b51b4d15f60c9642ca272MD52falseAnonymousREAD1843/804122025-09-08 21:29:35.196open.accessoai:repositorio.ufmg.br:1843/80412https://repositorio.ufmg.br/Repositório InstitucionalPUBhttps://repositorio.ufmg.br/oairepositorio@ufmg.bropendoar:2025-09-09T00:29:35Repositório Institucional da UFMG - Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG)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 |
| dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| dc.title.alternative.none.fl_str_mv |
Borges, subaltern historian |
| title |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| spellingShingle |
Borges, historiador subalterno Breno Anderson Souza de Miranda Borges, Jorge Luis,1899-1986 – Crítica e interpretação Literatura e história Literatura argentina – História e crítica Espaço e tempo na literatura Política e literatura Historiografia Borges Historiografia Distopia Política Horror Anticomunidade Ética |
| title_short |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| title_full |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| title_fullStr |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| title_sort |
Borges, historiador subalterno |
| author |
Breno Anderson Souza de Miranda |
| author_facet |
Breno Anderson Souza de Miranda |
| author_role |
author |
| dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv |
Breno Anderson Souza de Miranda |
| dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv |
Borges, Jorge Luis,1899-1986 – Crítica e interpretação Literatura e história Literatura argentina – História e crítica Espaço e tempo na literatura Política e literatura Historiografia |
| topic |
Borges, Jorge Luis,1899-1986 – Crítica e interpretação Literatura e história Literatura argentina – História e crítica Espaço e tempo na literatura Política e literatura Historiografia Borges Historiografia Distopia Política Horror Anticomunidade Ética |
| dc.subject.other.none.fl_str_mv |
Borges Historiografia Distopia Política Horror Anticomunidade Ética |
| description |
What does it mean for Borges, one of the most canonized and influential writers in world literature, to be considered a “subaltern” historian? This designation implies, above all, a deliberate incursion into the besieged citadels of the guardians of morality and the ontology of hegemonic literary history. Borges is not a subaltern historian in the traditional sense of marginalization but rather a “placeless” figure who challenges and subverts the established structures of dominant narratives. In the Brazilian academic context, especially in history and Spanish literature courses, Borges's politics are often ignored or treated as persona non grata. This is partly due to his liberal and conservative stance, which contrasts with the culturalist currents predominant in these disciplines. However, we argue that this political stance is intrinsically linked to his libertarian project of formal autonomy and the construction of a dystopian “anti-community”. This anti-community can be understood as an “epistemological house” open to new forms of historiography that include the theory of fiction. In this context, Borges promotes a new conception of mimesis, in which the “new” realism does not simply seek to imitate the linear projection of reality but to aestheticize the crisis of that very representation, through the eternal return of horror and the refusal of a ontoteleological view of history. In other words, he utilizes the realism “forbidden” to historians to question the inherent limitations and contradictions in the attempt to capture reality through language, proposing a new way to desublimate the metaphysics of objectivity and identitarianism, through a Nietzschean perspective beyond good and evil. |
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2024 |
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2024-12-16 |
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2025-02-25T14:45:29Z |
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Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais |
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