A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro

Detalhes bibliográficos
Ano de defesa: 2023
Autor(a) principal: Amana Maris Ribeiro Greco
Orientador(a): Não Informado pela instituição
Banca de defesa: Não Informado pela instituição
Tipo de documento: Dissertação
Tipo de acesso: Acesso aberto
Idioma: por
Instituição de defesa: Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
Programa de Pós-Graduação: Não Informado pela instituição
Departamento: Não Informado pela instituição
País: Não Informado pela instituição
Palavras-chave em Português:
Link de acesso: https://hdl.handle.net/1843/58296
Resumo: This study investigates the segmental reduction of the sound sequence /iɲo/ in diminutives and non-diminutives in Belo Horizonte Portuguese. In these words, reduction, and, eventually, deletion of the final unstressed back high vowel [ʊ] may occur: [te᷈ˈpĩɲʊ] ~ [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho (little time) and [viˈzĩɲʊ] ~ [viˈzĩ] vizinho (neighbour) (SANTIAGO (2005)). We investigated whether diminutive and non-diminutive nominal forms present similar or different rates in the evolution of the phenomenon of deletion of the final unstressed vowel [ʊ]. Additionally, this study analyzed noun forms ending with a high front nasal vowel [ĩ] as in [kaˈpĩ] capim. We evaluated the acoustic characteristics of the final segment of the diminutive and non-diminutive forms that had segmental reduction as in [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho (little time) and [viˈzĩ] vizinho (neighbour) and the nasal front high vowels [ĩ] at the end of the word as in [kaˈpĩ] capim (grass). The hypotheses of this work are that (a) the deletion index of the final unstressed vowel [ʊ] in diminutive and non-diminutive words would be significantly different. (b) the stressed vowel [ĩ] of diminutive and non-diminutive words (which had the final unstressed [ʊ] deleted), would present significant differences in relation to the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words ending in [ĩ] as [kaˈpĩ] capim (grass). From a theoretical point of view, this study focused on the perspective that phonological representations are complex and multiple and accommodate the phonetic gradient. This perspective fits into multirepresentational models such as Exemplar Theory (BYBEE (1985), (1995)). In order to analyze the phenomenon in question, methodological principles of Laboratory Phonology were used (PIERREHUMBERT; BECKMAN; LADD (2000); ALBANO (2017)). This study advanced in relation to previous works by evaluating the segmental reduction of /iɲo/ at the end of words acoustically and by analyzing, in contrast, the nominal forms that phonemically end with a nasal vowel [ĩ]. The result showed that there are no significant differences in performing the reduction of the sequence /iɲo/ in diminutives and non-diminutives. In addition, statistical analysis using mixed linear models revealed significant durational differences between the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words that had final unstressed reduction and those that did not. However, no significant difference was found in the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] in the test words that underwent reduction and the stressed vowel [ĩ] in the control words. The result offers a contribution to think about the nature of the nasality of the vowel [ĩ] and provides evidence for the presence of phonetic detail in the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words that underwent reduction of the final unstressed [ʊ].
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spelling 2023-08-28T16:24:32Z2025-09-08T23:57:50Z2023-08-28T16:24:32Z2023-07-17https://hdl.handle.net/1843/58296This study investigates the segmental reduction of the sound sequence /iɲo/ in diminutives and non-diminutives in Belo Horizonte Portuguese. In these words, reduction, and, eventually, deletion of the final unstressed back high vowel [ʊ] may occur: [te᷈ˈpĩɲʊ] ~ [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho (little time) and [viˈzĩɲʊ] ~ [viˈzĩ] vizinho (neighbour) (SANTIAGO (2005)). We investigated whether diminutive and non-diminutive nominal forms present similar or different rates in the evolution of the phenomenon of deletion of the final unstressed vowel [ʊ]. Additionally, this study analyzed noun forms ending with a high front nasal vowel [ĩ] as in [kaˈpĩ] capim. We evaluated the acoustic characteristics of the final segment of the diminutive and non-diminutive forms that had segmental reduction as in [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho (little time) and [viˈzĩ] vizinho (neighbour) and the nasal front high vowels [ĩ] at the end of the word as in [kaˈpĩ] capim (grass). The hypotheses of this work are that (a) the deletion index of the final unstressed vowel [ʊ] in diminutive and non-diminutive words would be significantly different. (b) the stressed vowel [ĩ] of diminutive and non-diminutive words (which had the final unstressed [ʊ] deleted), would present significant differences in relation to the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words ending in [ĩ] as [kaˈpĩ] capim (grass). From a theoretical point of view, this study focused on the perspective that phonological representations are complex and multiple and accommodate the phonetic gradient. This perspective fits into multirepresentational models such as Exemplar Theory (BYBEE (1985), (1995)). In order to analyze the phenomenon in question, methodological principles of Laboratory Phonology were used (PIERREHUMBERT; BECKMAN; LADD (2000); ALBANO (2017)). This study advanced in relation to previous works by evaluating the segmental reduction of /iɲo/ at the end of words acoustically and by analyzing, in contrast, the nominal forms that phonemically end with a nasal vowel [ĩ]. The result showed that there are no significant differences in performing the reduction of the sequence /iɲo/ in diminutives and non-diminutives. In addition, statistical analysis using mixed linear models revealed significant durational differences between the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words that had final unstressed reduction and those that did not. However, no significant difference was found in the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] in the test words that underwent reduction and the stressed vowel [ĩ] in the control words. The result offers a contribution to think about the nature of the nasality of the vowel [ĩ] and provides evidence for the presence of phonetic detail in the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words that underwent reduction of the final unstressed [ʊ].Outra AgênciaporUniversidade Federal de Minas Geraishttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/pt/info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessDiminutivos; Redução Segmental; Modelos Multirepresentacionais; Fonologia de Laboratório.Língua portuguesa – FonologiaLíngua portuguesa – FlexãoLíngua portuguesa – DiminutivosA redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiroinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/masterThesisAmana Maris Ribeiro Grecoreponame:Repositório Institucional da UFMGinstname:Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG)instacron:UFMGhttps://lattes.cnpq.br/5956081612307317Thais Cristófaro Silvahttp://lattes.cnpq.br/7930553282818807Christina Abreu GomesMaria Mendes CantoniEste estudo investiga a redução segmental da sequência sonora /iɲo/ em diminutivos e não-diminutivos no português de Belo Horizonte. Nestas palavras podem ocorrer a redução e o apagamento da vogal alta posterior átona final [ʊ]: [te᷈ˈpĩɲʊ] ~ [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho e [viˈzĩɲʊ] ~ [viˈzĩ] vizinho (SANTIAGO, (2005)). Investigou-se se formas nominais de diminutivos e não-diminutivos apresentam índices similares ou diferentes na evolução do fenômeno de apagamento da vogal átona final [ʊ]. Adicionalmente, este estudo analisou formas nominais terminadas com uma vogal alta anterior nasal [ĩ] como em [kaˈpĩ] capim. Avaliou-se as características acústicas do segmento final das formas de diminutivo e não-diminutivo que tiveram redução segmental como em [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho e [viˈzĩ] vizinho e também a vogal alta anterior nasal [ĩ] em final de palavra como em [kaˈpĩ] capim. As hipóteses deste trabalho são que (a) o índice de apagamento da vogal átona final [ʊ] nas palavras de diminutivos e não-diminutivos seria significativamente distinto. (b) a vogal tônica [ĩ] de palavras de diminutivo e não-diminutivos (que tiveram apagamento da átona final [ʊ]), apresentariam diferenças significativas em relação à duração da vogal tônica [ĩ] das palavras terminadas em [ĩ] como capim. Do ponto de vista teórico, este estudo corroborou com a perspectiva de que as representações fonológicas são complexas e múltiplas, e acomodam a gradiência fonética. Esta perspectiva se enquadra nos modelos multirepresentacionais como a Teoria de Exemplares (BYBEE, (1985), (1995)). A fim de analisar o fenômeno em questão, foram usados princípios metodológicos da Fonologia de Laboratório (PIERREHUMBERT; BECKMAN; LADD, (2000); ALBANO, (2017)). Este estudo avançou em relação aos trabalhos anteriores por avaliar a redução segmental de /iɲo/ em final de palavra acusticamente e por analisar, em contraponto, as formas nominais que fonemicamente são terminadas com uma vogal nasal [ĩ]. O resultado apontou que não há diferenças significativas na realização da redução da sequência /iɲo/ em diminutivos e não-diminutivos. Além disso, a análise estatística por meios modelos lineares mistos revelou ter diferenças duracionais significativas entra a vogal tônica [ĩ] de palavras que tiveram redução da átona final e aquelas que não tiveram. No entanto, não foi encontrada diferença significativa na duração da vogal tônica [ĩ] nas palavras-teste que sofreram redução e a vogal tônica [ĩ] das palavras-controle. O resultado oferece contribuição para pensar a natureza da nasalidade da vogal [ĩ] e oferece evidências para a presença do detalhe fonético na duração da vogal tônica [ĩ] de palavras que sofreram redução da átona final [ʊ].BrasilFALE - FACULDADE DE LETRASPrograma de Pós-Graduação em Estudos LinguísticosUFMGORIGINALA REDUÇÃO SEGMENTAL DA SEQUÊNCIA :iɲo: EM DIMINUTIVO.pdfapplication/pdf2165626https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/459ea3b6-4932-41bf-b280-6a03296b198d/download930b60610024492643f00e9a0bdf1ee5MD51trueAnonymousREADCC-LICENSElicense_rdfapplication/octet-stream811https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/d878e818-3468-45d7-8791-2e08deeaa2a2/downloadcfd6801dba008cb6adbd9838b81582abMD52falseAnonymousREADLICENSElicense.txttext/plain2118https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/a729619e-3fe3-4eaa-9b25-0177cc463da7/downloadcda590c95a0b51b4d15f60c9642ca272MD53falseAnonymousREADTEXTA REDUÇÃO SEGMENTAL DA SEQUÊNCIA :iɲo: EM DIMINUTIVO.pdf.txtA REDUÇÃO SEGMENTAL DA SEQUÊNCIA :iɲo: EM DIMINUTIVO.pdf.txtExtracted texttext/plain103460https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/b5698b31-b521-4c4c-b7ff-22e299f82a9b/download1b62ceb6ec5a7b56680798d6a70e19d0MD54falseAnonymousREADTHUMBNAILA REDUÇÃO SEGMENTAL DA SEQUÊNCIA :iɲo: EM DIMINUTIVO.pdf.jpgA REDUÇÃO SEGMENTAL DA SEQUÊNCIA :iɲo: EM DIMINUTIVO.pdf.jpgGenerated Thumbnailimage/jpeg2505https://repositorio.ufmg.br//bitstreams/4e884c5f-6373-4c46-a64f-9f2b395ab261/download91b48dd323d86ee558a088066d05628aMD55falseAnonymousREAD1843/582962025-09-09 15:35:45.072http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/pt/Acesso Abertoopen.accessoai:repositorio.ufmg.br:1843/58296https://repositorio.ufmg.br/Repositório InstitucionalPUBhttps://repositorio.ufmg.br/oairepositorio@ufmg.bropendoar:2025-09-09T18:35:45Repositório Institucional da UFMG - Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (UFMG)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
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
title A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
spellingShingle A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
Amana Maris Ribeiro Greco
Língua portuguesa – Fonologia
Língua portuguesa – Flexão
Língua portuguesa – Diminutivos
Diminutivos; Redução Segmental; Modelos Multirepresentacionais; Fonologia de Laboratório.
title_short A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
title_full A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
title_fullStr A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
title_full_unstemmed A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
title_sort A redução segmental da sequência iŊo? em diminutivos e não diminutivos no português brasileiro
author Amana Maris Ribeiro Greco
author_facet Amana Maris Ribeiro Greco
author_role author
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Amana Maris Ribeiro Greco
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Língua portuguesa – Fonologia
Língua portuguesa – Flexão
Língua portuguesa – Diminutivos
topic Língua portuguesa – Fonologia
Língua portuguesa – Flexão
Língua portuguesa – Diminutivos
Diminutivos; Redução Segmental; Modelos Multirepresentacionais; Fonologia de Laboratório.
dc.subject.other.none.fl_str_mv Diminutivos; Redução Segmental; Modelos Multirepresentacionais; Fonologia de Laboratório.
description This study investigates the segmental reduction of the sound sequence /iɲo/ in diminutives and non-diminutives in Belo Horizonte Portuguese. In these words, reduction, and, eventually, deletion of the final unstressed back high vowel [ʊ] may occur: [te᷈ˈpĩɲʊ] ~ [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho (little time) and [viˈzĩɲʊ] ~ [viˈzĩ] vizinho (neighbour) (SANTIAGO (2005)). We investigated whether diminutive and non-diminutive nominal forms present similar or different rates in the evolution of the phenomenon of deletion of the final unstressed vowel [ʊ]. Additionally, this study analyzed noun forms ending with a high front nasal vowel [ĩ] as in [kaˈpĩ] capim. We evaluated the acoustic characteristics of the final segment of the diminutive and non-diminutive forms that had segmental reduction as in [te᷈ˈpĩ] tempinho (little time) and [viˈzĩ] vizinho (neighbour) and the nasal front high vowels [ĩ] at the end of the word as in [kaˈpĩ] capim (grass). The hypotheses of this work are that (a) the deletion index of the final unstressed vowel [ʊ] in diminutive and non-diminutive words would be significantly different. (b) the stressed vowel [ĩ] of diminutive and non-diminutive words (which had the final unstressed [ʊ] deleted), would present significant differences in relation to the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words ending in [ĩ] as [kaˈpĩ] capim (grass). From a theoretical point of view, this study focused on the perspective that phonological representations are complex and multiple and accommodate the phonetic gradient. This perspective fits into multirepresentational models such as Exemplar Theory (BYBEE (1985), (1995)). In order to analyze the phenomenon in question, methodological principles of Laboratory Phonology were used (PIERREHUMBERT; BECKMAN; LADD (2000); ALBANO (2017)). This study advanced in relation to previous works by evaluating the segmental reduction of /iɲo/ at the end of words acoustically and by analyzing, in contrast, the nominal forms that phonemically end with a nasal vowel [ĩ]. The result showed that there are no significant differences in performing the reduction of the sequence /iɲo/ in diminutives and non-diminutives. In addition, statistical analysis using mixed linear models revealed significant durational differences between the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words that had final unstressed reduction and those that did not. However, no significant difference was found in the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] in the test words that underwent reduction and the stressed vowel [ĩ] in the control words. The result offers a contribution to think about the nature of the nasality of the vowel [ĩ] and provides evidence for the presence of phonetic detail in the duration of the stressed vowel [ĩ] of words that underwent reduction of the final unstressed [ʊ].
publishDate 2023
dc.date.accessioned.fl_str_mv 2023-08-28T16:24:32Z
2025-09-08T23:57:50Z
dc.date.available.fl_str_mv 2023-08-28T16:24:32Z
dc.date.issued.fl_str_mv 2023-07-17
dc.type.status.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
dc.type.driver.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/masterThesis
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publisher.none.fl_str_mv Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
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