Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns

Detalhes bibliográficos
Ano de defesa: 2024
Autor(a) principal: Castro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de
Orientador(a): Não Informado pela instituição
Banca de defesa: Não Informado pela instituição
Tipo de documento: Tese
Tipo de acesso: Acesso aberto
Idioma: eng
Instituição de defesa: Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP
Programa de Pós-Graduação: Não Informado pela instituição
Departamento: Não Informado pela instituição
País: Não Informado pela instituição
Palavras-chave em Português:
Link de acesso: https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14112024-133702/
Resumo: There are reasons to believe that preferential voting, by allowing for intra-party competition, drives up the cost of electoral campaigns, but the evidence on this hypothesis is sparse and does not focus on the true parameter of interest: the marginal cost of votes. Estimating the marginal cost of votes is not trivial, since there are many factors that can simultaneously affect candidates\' campaign spending and electoral performance. An important one is candidate quality. High quality candidates are likely to raise and, thus, spend a lot in their campaigns, but also to perform well at the polls regardless of how much they spend. Thus, failing to account for candidate quality may lead to downward biased estimates of the marginal cost of votes. In order to address this issue and get unbiased estimates of the marginal cost of boats across electoral systems, I explored the adoption of a corporate donation ban in Brazil. Brazil is also an interesting case because municipal elections use two different electoral systems, plurality voting and open-list proportional representation, whereas only the latter involves preferential voting. Using difference-indifferences and instrumental variable regression I find that the marginal cost of the votes in open-list proportional representation elections is more than twice the one in plurality voting races. Using a similar approach I also show that larger district magnitudes, which are thought to intensify intra-party competition, drive up the marginal cost of votes. My findings give credence to critics of extreme forms of preferential voting systems, which point to the disproportionate role of money in elections under these systems as an important reason for abandoning them
id USP_f13673112a7760a0552f033b8a017bc9
oai_identifier_str oai:teses.usp.br:tde-14112024-133702
network_acronym_str USP
network_name_str Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP
repository_id_str
spelling Electoral systems and the cost of campaignsSistemas eleitorais e o custo das campanhasCampanhas eleitoraisCompetição intra-partidáriaCost of a voteCusto do votoElectoral campaignsElectoral systemsIntra-party competitionPreferential votingSistemas eleitoraisVoto preferencialThere are reasons to believe that preferential voting, by allowing for intra-party competition, drives up the cost of electoral campaigns, but the evidence on this hypothesis is sparse and does not focus on the true parameter of interest: the marginal cost of votes. Estimating the marginal cost of votes is not trivial, since there are many factors that can simultaneously affect candidates\' campaign spending and electoral performance. An important one is candidate quality. High quality candidates are likely to raise and, thus, spend a lot in their campaigns, but also to perform well at the polls regardless of how much they spend. Thus, failing to account for candidate quality may lead to downward biased estimates of the marginal cost of votes. In order to address this issue and get unbiased estimates of the marginal cost of boats across electoral systems, I explored the adoption of a corporate donation ban in Brazil. Brazil is also an interesting case because municipal elections use two different electoral systems, plurality voting and open-list proportional representation, whereas only the latter involves preferential voting. Using difference-indifferences and instrumental variable regression I find that the marginal cost of the votes in open-list proportional representation elections is more than twice the one in plurality voting races. Using a similar approach I also show that larger district magnitudes, which are thought to intensify intra-party competition, drive up the marginal cost of votes. My findings give credence to critics of extreme forms of preferential voting systems, which point to the disproportionate role of money in elections under these systems as an important reason for abandoning themExistem razões para acreditar que o voto preferencial, ao permitir a competição intra-partidária, eleva o custo das campanhas eleitorais, mas as evidências sobre essa hipótese são escassas e não se concentram no verdadeiro parâmetro de interesse: o custo marginal dos votos. Estimar o custo marginal dos votos não é trivial, pois muitos fatores podem afetar simultaneamente os gastos de campanha dos candidatos e o desempenho eleitoral. Um fator importante é a qualidade do candidato. Candidatos de alta qualidade provavelmente arrecadarão muito dinheiro e, portanto, gastarão muito em suas campanhas, mas também terão um bom desempenho nas urnas, independentemente de quanto gastem. Portanto, não levar em conta a qualidade do candidato pode levar a estimativas viesadas para baixo do custo marginal dos votos. Para lidar com esse problema, explorei a adoção de uma proibição de doações de empresar no Brasil. O Brasil é um caso interessante porque as eleições municipais usam dois sistemas eleitorais diferentes, voto majoritário e representação proporcional de lista aberta, sendo que apenas este último envolve o voto preferencial. Usando estratégias de inferência causal, descubro que o custo marginal dos votos em eleições com voto preferencial é mais que o dobro do custo em eleições majoritárias. Usando uma abordagem semelhante, também mostro que magnitudes de distrito maiores, que se acredita intensificar a competição intra-partidária, elevam o custo marginal dos votos. Meus resultados dão crédito aos críticos de formas extremas de sistemas de voto preferencial, que apontam o papel desproporcional do dinheiro nas eleições sob esses sistemas como uma razão importante para abandoná-losBiblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USPSilva, Glauco Peres daCastro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de2024-03-15info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersioninfo:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesisapplication/pdfhttps://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14112024-133702/reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USPinstname:Universidade de São Paulo (USP)instacron:USPLiberar o conteúdo para acesso público.info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccesseng2024-11-14T16:09:03Zoai:teses.usp.br:tde-14112024-133702Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertaçõeshttp://www.teses.usp.br/PUBhttp://www.teses.usp.br/cgi-bin/mtd2br.plvirginia@if.usp.br|| atendimento@aguia.usp.br||virginia@if.usp.bropendoar:27212024-11-14T16:09:03Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP - Universidade de São Paulo (USP)false
dc.title.none.fl_str_mv Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
Sistemas eleitorais e o custo das campanhas
title Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
spellingShingle Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
Castro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de
Campanhas eleitorais
Competição intra-partidária
Cost of a vote
Custo do voto
Electoral campaigns
Electoral systems
Intra-party competition
Preferential voting
Sistemas eleitorais
Voto preferencial
title_short Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
title_full Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
title_fullStr Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
title_full_unstemmed Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
title_sort Electoral systems and the cost of campaigns
author Castro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de
author_facet Castro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de
author_role author
dc.contributor.none.fl_str_mv Silva, Glauco Peres da
dc.contributor.author.fl_str_mv Castro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de
dc.subject.por.fl_str_mv Campanhas eleitorais
Competição intra-partidária
Cost of a vote
Custo do voto
Electoral campaigns
Electoral systems
Intra-party competition
Preferential voting
Sistemas eleitorais
Voto preferencial
topic Campanhas eleitorais
Competição intra-partidária
Cost of a vote
Custo do voto
Electoral campaigns
Electoral systems
Intra-party competition
Preferential voting
Sistemas eleitorais
Voto preferencial
description There are reasons to believe that preferential voting, by allowing for intra-party competition, drives up the cost of electoral campaigns, but the evidence on this hypothesis is sparse and does not focus on the true parameter of interest: the marginal cost of votes. Estimating the marginal cost of votes is not trivial, since there are many factors that can simultaneously affect candidates\' campaign spending and electoral performance. An important one is candidate quality. High quality candidates are likely to raise and, thus, spend a lot in their campaigns, but also to perform well at the polls regardless of how much they spend. Thus, failing to account for candidate quality may lead to downward biased estimates of the marginal cost of votes. In order to address this issue and get unbiased estimates of the marginal cost of boats across electoral systems, I explored the adoption of a corporate donation ban in Brazil. Brazil is also an interesting case because municipal elections use two different electoral systems, plurality voting and open-list proportional representation, whereas only the latter involves preferential voting. Using difference-indifferences and instrumental variable regression I find that the marginal cost of the votes in open-list proportional representation elections is more than twice the one in plurality voting races. Using a similar approach I also show that larger district magnitudes, which are thought to intensify intra-party competition, drive up the marginal cost of votes. My findings give credence to critics of extreme forms of preferential voting systems, which point to the disproportionate role of money in elections under these systems as an important reason for abandoning them
publishDate 2024
dc.date.none.fl_str_mv 2024-03-15
dc.type.status.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
dc.type.driver.fl_str_mv info:eu-repo/semantics/doctoralThesis
format doctoralThesis
status_str publishedVersion
dc.identifier.uri.fl_str_mv https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14112024-133702/
url https://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14112024-133702/
dc.language.iso.fl_str_mv eng
language eng
dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv
dc.rights.driver.fl_str_mv Liberar o conteúdo para acesso público.
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess
rights_invalid_str_mv Liberar o conteúdo para acesso público.
eu_rights_str_mv openAccess
dc.format.none.fl_str_mv application/pdf
dc.coverage.none.fl_str_mv
dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP
publisher.none.fl_str_mv Biblioteca Digitais de Teses e Dissertações da USP
dc.source.none.fl_str_mv
reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP
instname:Universidade de São Paulo (USP)
instacron:USP
instname_str Universidade de São Paulo (USP)
instacron_str USP
institution USP
reponame_str Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP
collection Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP
repository.name.fl_str_mv Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da USP - Universidade de São Paulo (USP)
repository.mail.fl_str_mv virginia@if.usp.br|| atendimento@aguia.usp.br||virginia@if.usp.br
_version_ 1818598506391142400